
The Role of the OBR
Summary
​
-
Just under half of panellists believed that the OBR’s influence over fiscal policy should be maintained as it currently is. 18% believed it should be strengthened and an equal proportion thought it should be reduced. None of the panellists thought that the OBR should be scrapped altogether.
-
Only 11% of respondents thought that the OBR should move to a single comprehensive forecast per year. 43% of panellists thought twice-yearly forecasts should be maintained. 39% of respondents thought that the OBR should move to probabilistic estimates of fiscal headroom rather than point forecasts.
-
To preserve the OBR’s credibility and independence, panellists highlighted the use of scenario analysis and its need for more resources. Other suggestions included engaging more directly with the academic community, and drawing on insights from other external forecasting bodies, particularly over key assumptions such as trend growth.
Question 1: In your view, should the OBR’s influence over UK fiscal policy be strengthened, maintained as it is, or reduced? Or would you like to see the OBR scrapped altogether — or take some other form?
​
​
​
​
​
​
​
​
​
​
​

Twenty-eight panellists responded to this question. 46% of panellists thought that the OBR’s influence should be maintained as it currently is. An equal proportion of respondents (18%) thought that the OBR’s influence should be either strengthened or reduced. None of the panellists thought that the OBR should be scrapped altogether.
18% of panellists responded “Other”. Nicholas Oulton (LSE) suggested that there may be a case for expanding the OBR’s role to include “providing a general assessment of the economy’s mid- to long-term economic growth performance”. However, he noted that such a change would require additional staff and greater expertise in “dynamic scoring” of policies. Angus Armstrong (UCL) emphasised the importance of timing in implementing any changes, arguing that maintaining the OBR’s influence is appropriate for now but that “over time the OBR should become more of an advisory council”.
​
Question 2: How should the OBR's approach to assessing the fiscal rules evolve?
​

Twenty-eight panellists responded to this question. 43% of respondents thought that the OBR should maintain two comprehensive forecasts per year, while 11% favoured moving to a single annual forecast. One panellist thought that the OBR should evaluate Treasury forecasts rather than produce its own, and another panellist proposed that the OBR should move to an advisory-only role – issuing public commentary on fiscal risks without publishing formal forecasts. 39% of respondents thought that the OBR should move to probabilistic estimates of fiscal headroom rather than point forecasts.
Question 3: What do you see as the main reforms needed to preserve the OBR’s credibility and independence?
Nineteen panellists responded to this question, which was open-ended. A number of panellists proposed changes to how the OBR communicates uncertainty. Roger Farmer (University of Warwick) said that it “makes sense to recognise the potential uncertainty around assessments of fiscal sustainability based on alternative policy scenarios”. Michael Wickens (University of York) also supported the use of scenarios, noting that given the uncertainty of future policy, “the best the OBR can do is provide likely scenario outcomes”. He added that “probabilistic assessments of these would give too wide bands to be useful”. In contrast, Ethan Ilzetzki (LSE) thought that probabilistic estimates would allow for “more de-facto flexibility”, given the policymaking culture of “knee-jerk” responses to forecast changes.
Some panellists emphasised using scenarios for evaluating policy proposals rather than for communicating uncertainty. Thomas Sampson (LSE) argued that rather than having the OBR be the “arbiter of whether the fiscal rule is met”, a better alternative would be “for the OBR to advise on the possible fiscal impacts of different policy options”. David Cobham (Heriot-Watt University) argued that the OBR should be both able and obliged to consider alternative policy scenarios to assess “current political debates”, including the evaluation of policies proposed by “non-ruling as well as ruling parties”.
Another theme raised by the panel concerned resources and expertise. Ricardo Reis (LSE) thought that the OBR “needs to invest in its capacity to make forecasts and issue evaluations”. Vincent Sterk (UCL) considered the OBR to be understaffed, given its importance, and that “hiring more staff closer to the academic frontier” and “engaging more directly with the academic community” would help to improve forecast quality and bolster credibility. In a similar vein, Robert Kollmann (Université Libre de Bruxelles) suggested appointing senior academic economists to the OBR’s leadership.
Some panellists expressed differing views on the appropriate frequency of fiscal forecasts. Costas Milas (University of Liverpool) thought that the OBR should only provide a single yearly forecast of the fiscal rules, with a second yearly forecast that gives a more general outline of the economic outlook. Roger Farmer (University of Warwick) agreed, stating that “it makes sense to produce an assessment of [the fiscal mandate] on an annual basis”. In contrast, James Smith (Resolution Foundation) proposed that twice yearly forecasts should continue and that both forecasts should assess the fiscal rules. Instead, he noted that “a more transparent, regular process for re-evaluating supply side assumptions would be a process improvement” for the OBR.
Panellists also suggested drawing on insights from external forecasters. Jorge de Macedo (London Business School) recommended comparing fiscal policy assessments with other forecasters, similar to the setup between the IMF and OECD. David Aikman (NIESR) proposed “anchoring key assumptions such as trend growth or potential output to the median of external forecasters’ estimates” as a way of making such judgements more rules-based.
